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On February 13, just two days after the Iranian regime celebrated the 45th anniversary of its existence, the dissident group GhiamSarnegouni (Persian for Rise to Overthrow) announced on its Telegram page that it had taken control of the Parliament’s news agency websites, the Parliament’s library website, and document repository, including over 600 servers of the so-called Islamic Consultative Assembly (Majlis).
Based on the released information, some representatives receive monthly salaries ranging from “200 to 250 million tomans.” Additionally, they receive extra amounts during “religious holidays” and on occasions such as “Parliament Day” and “Employee Day,” along with benefits like “Nowruz and Yalda Night snacks.”
Nowruz is the Persian New Year, celebrated as the beginning of spring, and Yalda is the winter solstice celebration marking the longest night of the year in Persian culture.
The incident made the headlines in both domestic and international Persian-language media for several days. However, the most notable reactions to this event, particularly within Persian-speaking online communities, have centered around the salaries and benefits of members of the Majlis, highlighting a significant disparity compared to the claims made by the regime.
Within hours, the Majlis Public Relations Office reacted, claiming that “the perpetrators used their limited access” and “have likely tampered with genuine documents.”
The state-run Ruydad 24 wrote on February 15, “One section of the alleged documents comprises a list of salaries paid to 226 representatives in the month of Khordad (May 22-June 21). Ruydad24 randomly examined the IBAN numbers listed in the document published by the hacking group and concluded that the IBAN codes are accurate and belong to the parliament members. According to this table, the average salaries received by representatives in the month of Khordad exceeded 200 million tomans. The highest salary, close to 265 million tomans, was paid to Malek Sharayati Niaser and Mehdi Toghyani, members of the Energy and Economic Commissions.”
The source added, “In the alleged document by the hacking group titled ‘Details of Amounts and Welfare Services,’ financial facilities for Yalda Night snacks, Nowruz snacks, children of employees’ engagement parties, employees’ birthdays, Employee Day, Parliament Day, and some religious occasions are mentioned. For example, the cost of Nowruz snacks per employee is stated as three million and 600,000 tomans, and for Yalda Night snacks, 2 million tomans are considered. The Parliament’s Public Relations department has denied this list and has released an image stating that the average payment of representatives’ salaries in Khordad was 25 million tomans.”
The revealed documents suggest that despite more than 60 percent of Iranians facing poverty and hunger, and while many losing loved ones due to the inability to afford medical care, regime representatives in the parliament spend public funds on various personal expenses. These include buying flowers and sweets for hospital visits, arrangements for funerals, covering travel and summer vacation costs, and even paying for books, kindergarten fees, and family trips out of the nation’s budget.
The social response has been considerable, with many individuals who identify with the clerical regime expressing their objections through posts on social media platforms. State television also broadcasted programs featuring individuals presented as ordinary people expressing discontent over these excessive salaries. They questioned why parliamentarians should receive such large sums while the rest of the population suffers from deprivation and poverty.
With just two weeks left until the staged parliamentary elections, the disclosure of confidential documents exposing the systemic inequality is sending waves of astonishment across Iranian society. The sham elections were already anticipated to be met by an unprecedented boycott fueled by widespread distrust and profound societal discontent. Despite months of efforts by state authorities and media to ensure a high turnout, the public, even many of the segments who have benefited from the regime, remains unwilling to heed.
Furthermore, while Iran’s explosive society is already distressed by decades-long oppression, socio-economic deprivation, and political dissent, the new troves of evidence of how state officials are living lavish lives at the cost of the public’s suffering are adding fuel to the fire.
